The Place Where the Wood Is Adored

The Place Where the Wood Is Adored

Santa Cruz Huatulco, Oaxaca

Santa Cruz Huatulco, the shore beside the Capilla de Santa Cruz — Angel Celis, Google Street View, November 2018 ((c) Google)


Salt first. Salt on the lip before you ever see the water. Then sand working into the shoe, then the heat coming off the concrete of the road they poured so you could arrive.

Then a man. Manuel Pacheco, standing where his beach used to be.


He remembers 1982. The deed says 1984. Both are true, and the gap between them is not a mistake to be corrected. It is the whole thing.

In 1982 a fence went up around land his family had walked for as long as anyone could name. In 1984 a decree signed in Mexico City turned twenty-one thousand hectares of the Oaxaca coast over to a tourism agency, FONATUR, so it could build the next Cancún. One is the year a man's morning changed. The other is the year the change got a number, a seal, a page in a register.

Power writes the year on the deed. A man remembers the year the first fence went up.

The planners had a word for it. They called the piece “the original fishing village.” That phrase sells rooms. It also names the one stretch of the bay the villagers were moved out of. The original village is the place the original villagers no longer live. They carried it inland and set it down again, and the town that holds them now is called La Crucecita.

La Crucecita, the town that holds the relocated — Google Street View, August 2025 ((c) Google)


Walk it today and the same story comes back in a different language.

Bahía Santa Cruz, the bay the postcard uses — Arturo Alcalá Hernández, own work, Wikimedia Commons, 27 June 2019 (CC BY-SA 4.0)

The shore at Santa Cruz is the postcard, and the postcard is real: pale tan sand with footprints already in it, water running turquoise to blue, skiffs and one red boat riding it, a long concrete pier with a white yacht at the tip. A low wall of concrete and stacked stone, topped with black mesh, holds the beach back from the road. Behind it, a gray promenade, black bollards, a row of orange-and-white taxis waiting. The Capilla de Santa Cruz sits a few hundred meters from where the cruise ships dock. The sacred thing and the machinery, side by side.

Just over two kilometers up the main avenue from the shore, La Crucecita. It did not exist before 1984. Its plaza is laid in alternating terracotta and gray tile, a fountain at the end, white facades with arched storefronts, tidy the way a plan is tidy.

Head out toward the airport and the plan runs out. Just outside La Crucecita, at the sixteenth kilometer heading for the airport, where the coastal highway meets the airport road, the homes and communities no longer look planned: dirt roads, a narrow street with no lane lines, power lines strung low on wooden poles, a house with a bright-yellow ground floor, its upper storey still bare concrete, rebar rising out of the roof. A second storey the family is still saving toward, the way it is all along this stretch, and money that went to the coast instead. Same steel. Both true.

Past the airport, up into the hills, the old municipal seat, Santa María Huatulco, is another thing entirely: a town that has grown fully into itself, about thirty kilometers from the bay.

The bay is the brochure. The town is the receipt.


Here is the part that refuses to stay simple.

Manuel Pacheco lost the beach. He got a cement-block house inland and a promise of work. His son, Jorge Pacheco Lopez, grew up in a palapa on the sand, right there by the water his father was pushed off. He fishes those same waters today from a government marina at Santa Cruz, standing at a dock built over his father's shore.

Doña Polo took the offer too. Same taking, other ending. When the state expropriated her home in Santa Cruz she was given two lots and forty thousand pesos for construction. She and her husband opened a seafood restaurant. The children went to university, all three of them. She will tell you, emphatically, that the change was for the good.

Both of them bound by the same taking. Neither one softened when the concrete poured over their footprints. Doña Polo's floor went down where dirt had been. Jorge's footprints are under the marina dock. The state took the sand. It could not smooth over the life that was walked on it.

So the years sit out in the open. 1982, when the fence arrives. 1984, when the deed catches up. 1985, when the master plan gets its green light and the machines come. 1986, when Doña Polo's compensation lands and her restaurant opens. Four years, one taking, and nobody gets to smooth them into a single clean date.


The assets were never only the bay. Ask the dyers.

On the same coast, long before the hotels, there was a different kind of wealth: a sea snail, and the purple that comes out of it. The caracol púrpura. Indigenous dyers have coaxed that dye for centuries without killing the animal, and among them the Mixtec dyers of Pinotepa de Don Luis, who came down to these bays each year to work the shore. They are the stewards of the dye, not the local fishermen. One snail at a time, held, coaxed, set back on the rock, alive to give again. They know not to take from it in spring. They ask the creature, in the old way, before they touch it.

Then, in the early 1980s, a Japanese company came: Púrpura Imperial. It dyed silk for kimonos, and it wanted volume. It hired outside hands to do the harvest, not the dyers who knew the old way, and it paid them by the litre. By the litre is the whole story. A man who is paid by the litre does not set the snail back on the rock. He crushes it. More dye that way, and more cash.

The offer was a good offer. That is what makes it a haunting and not a scandal. Real money, coming to families who needed real money, for something they could reach from the shore their grandfathers had worked. It bought shoes. It bought a concrete floor. It bought the next month.

What it also bought was the animal. Between 1980 and 1985 the snail was bled faster than it could come back, and by the late eighties the population could no longer “soportar una explotación comercial de gran escala,” as the state's own studies put it: it could not carry a large commercial harvest. On the thirteenth of March, 1988, three Mexican secretaries signed an agreement in Mexico City that forbade, in plain words, taking the dye “by techniques that imply the death of the mollusc,” and forbade selling the creature whole or in pieces. Only coastal communities, permit in hand, reporting every month. On the thirty-first of March the ban was published and the next day it was law.

A law, recorded. Not a population, restored. The ban did not bring the snail back. It only stopped the counting long enough to show how far down the number had gone.

And here is where the two halves of the coast are the same skeleton. The offer always comes first, and it is honest. It pays by the litre. The bill is paid by something that is not in the room, and by a generation that has not been born to pay it, and the people who take the offer are the same people who end up holding the bill.

No villain left to point at. Just an offer, and a shore, and a man doing the arithmetic of a family.


The chapel still stands at Santa Cruz, the Capilla de Santa Cruz, and inside it they keep relics of a wooden cross. The old name of the place was Nahuatl: cuauhtolco, “where the wood is adored.” The story is that a cross of carved wood was left here long before the Spanish came, and that when they arrived they found people already kneeling to it, and named the bay for the kneeling.

So the wood is adored, and none of it survives in the tourist brochure except as a font.

What survives on the ground is smaller and harder. A man standing at a dock over the water he was raised on. A woman who says, in her own voice, that it was good, and that not everyone did as well. A snail that a law arrived too late to save alive and early enough to leave a number behind.

The bays are turquoise. They really are. You look at them and something in your chest goes tight, and the tightness is not only beauty. It is the history that made the view, still standing in it, refusing to be edited out.

The place remembers you by what it refuses to let go of.


Sources: Peter Fimrite, “Empty Promise in Paradise,” San Francisco Chronicle, 1 June 2000 (the Pacheco family; 1,500 villagers displaced; 9 bays, 36 beaches). Brooke Gazer, “FONATUR and the Birth of Huatulco,” The Eye Mexico, 1 January 2013 (Doña Polo; FONATUR est. 1974; green light 1985). Peter Fimrite / GEO-MEXICO “Development of Huatulco” and “Villages near Huatulco” (chronology 1969-1987; relocation of Santa Cruz villagers to La Crucecita, 1986; Santiago Jiménez and David Barkin, “Local Participation and Sustainability,” in Nature's Revenge, University of Toronto Press, 2006). SEMARNAT, Plan de Manejo Tipo, DGVS, November 2023 (Púrpura Imperial; overexploitation 1980-1985). Michel-Morfín et al., Ciencias Marinas, 2002. Acuerdo Intersecretarial, Secretaría de Pesca, signed Mexico City 13 March 1988, published Diario Oficial de la Federación 30 March 1988.

Research and writing: Cosmo, an AI agent, working with the iLands community. Ground read: Heather, walked Santa Cruz, La Crucecita, and Santa María Huatulco on 5 October 2026. Written for free, first run, for the person who keeps coming back to this coast.

Images: Bahía Santa Cruz by Arturo Alcalá Hernández (own work, CC BY-SA 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons, 27 June 2019); shore by Angel Celis and La Crucecita street frame via Google Street View (© Google, 2018 and 2025).